DEAR READER,

As attention increasingly shifts from Ukraine to Greenland, we decided to take a closer look at how this rather serious geopolitical development affects Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. More importantly, what does it mean for the war going forward, and how are Central and Eastern European countries reacting? For many of them, their own security depends on two things: first, upholding international law, and second, not irritating the United States on an issue where it remains their key security guarantor and ally.

Also, if you do not happen to have one billion US dollars lying around to secure a seat on Donald Trump’s Board of Peace, worry not. We have you covered with another exclusive membership option right here at New Eastern Europe, starting at just 35 EUR per year.

Enjoy reading this week’s “brief”!

Giorgi Beroshvili, Editor

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TOP STORIES OF THE WEEK

🇺🇦 Russia is preparing fresh strikes on Ukraine’s energy system, President Volodymyr Zelenskyy warned. Speaking after an intelligence briefing, Zelenskyy said Moscow is showing no interest in ending the war and is instead trying to break Ukraine through winter attacks on power and heating, even as Kyiv pursues US-backed peace talks and security guarantees. Russian strikes over the weekend hit energy infrastructure in the Kyiv, Odesa, and Kharkiv regions, killing civilians, knocking out power to dozens of settlements, and pushing Ukraine to urgently increase electricity imports and rely on additional Western aid. Worth noting: Russia and Ukraine agreed to localized ceasefire for repairs at Zaporizhzhia nuclear plant to allow repairs to the last remaining backup power line supplying the Zaporizhzhia nuclear power plant, the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) said on Friday.

🇭🇺 Hungary has set April 12, 2026, as the date for a high-stakes parliamentary election that could reshape its political future. President Tamás Sulyok announced the vote on Tuesday as polls show Prime Minister Viktor Orbán facing his toughest challenge in two decades, with the opposition Tisza Party leading Fidesz by a wide margin. Péter Magyar’s movement is campaigning on judicial independence and anti-corruption reforms, while Orbán is leaning on his role as a defiant EU powerbroker and rolling out endorsements from a global lineup of hard-right allies, from Marine Le Pen to Javier Milei.

🇸🇰 Slovakia to reject troop deployments and EU loan guarantees to Ukraine. President Peter Pellegrini, Prime Minister Robert Fico, and Parliament Speaker Richard Raši announced after a January 10 meeting at Bratislava Castle that the country will not send additional military aid to Ukraine, will not deploy troops, and will not take part in guarantees for a major European Commission loan to Kyiv. The officials said they reached a unified position on key foreign and domestic issues, stressing that Slovakia remains part of the EU but must pursue a sovereign course on contentious matters. Fico described the EU as facing an “unprecedented crisis” and urged national unity in defending Slovak interests. Despite halting direct military support, Pellegrini said Slovakia may still be represented in broader diplomatic talks on Ukraine. The leaders also condemned recent U.S. military actions in Venezuela as violations of international law. Slovakia has previously provided significant aid to Ukraine, including S-300 air defence systems and MiG-29 aircraft early in the war, but the current government has blocked further direct military aid packages.

🇪🇺 / 🇺🇦 Germany and France disagree on Ukraine’s use of €90bn EU loan for US weapons. Germany and the Netherlands are pushing back against France’s effort to restrict Ukraine from using a planned €90 billion EU loan to buy US-made weapons, arguing Kyiv must retain flexibility to defend itself against Russia. While EU leaders agreed in December to the joint borrowing package, negotiations are now intensifying over spending rules, with Paris advocating a strict “Buy European” approach to favor EU defense firms and limit funds flowing to Washington. France, backed mainly by Greece and Cyprus, says the loan should strengthen Europe’s defense industry, even if it slows Ukraine’s access to critical arms. A majority of EU states, led by Berlin and The Hague, warn such limits would undermine Ukraine’s battlefield needs, particularly for US air defense systems, interceptors, and F-16-related equipment. With over two-thirds of the funds expected to go toward military spending, diplomats say France’s position is increasingly isolated and could be overridden by a simple majority as the European Commission prepares to formally present its proposal.

EXPERT OPINION

Why Greenland matters to Central and Eastern Europe

The Greenland issue has quickly climbed to the top of today’s geopolitical agenda as attention drifts from Ukraine.

While European leaders are scrambling to respond to newly announced US tariffs over the troop deployment in Greenland, Central and Eastern European capitals are largely sitting tight. Regardless of how this plays out, there is a growing realization that a new world order, whatever shape it ultimately takes, is already here, and it poses a direct challenge to the political and security assumptions these states have lived by for decades.

The committed ones.

Technically, only two Central and Eastern European countries have committed to support Greenland with troops so far. One is Estonia. The country is actively engaged in planning the Operation Arctic Endurance, and the officials have said that they are ready to deploy the troops, if asked by Denmark. In his interview with the ERR, the defense minister Hanno Pevkur stressed that the deployment is about signaling solidarity with Denmark and reinforcing NATO’s collective posture, and definitely not about defending Greenland from the United States. He emphasized that Estonian forces are participating in a NATO exercise, not preparing for combat against allies. Estonians do acknowledge the importance of Greenland amid the growing tensions in the Arctic, and its role in the European security. The defense minister argued that this area is a shared strategic space that must remain stable, but also secure.

Slovenia has also committed, albeit modestly, sending two troops as part of the same operation, and thus also accepting the political consequences that come with it. Prime Minister Robert Golob reiterated Slovenia’s position succinctly: “Greenland belongs to its own population, and its issues can only be decided by Denmark and Greenland.”

Let’s look at the deeply concerned states.

Other CEE countries are far more cautious, and for a good reason. As The Economist noted, Poland finds itself in an awkward position. It views the US as its indispensable security guarantor against Russia, yet it is deeply uneasy about a scenario in which Washington openly challenges Danish sovereignty. This dilemma is shared across much of NATO’s eastern flank: how do you avoid provoking your most important ally while recognizing that its actions could severely undermine transatlantic security?

Poland’s defense minister Władysław Kosiniak-Kamysz made clear that Warsaw would not send troops to Greenland, while underscoring that “there is no NATO without the United States, and no US strength without NATO.” Poland did, however, sign a joint statement defending Greenland alongside the UK, Germany, and France earlier this month. President Karol Nawrocki took a softer line, framing the issue as an internal dispute between Washington and Copenhagen.

Hungary echoed that view, calling for the matter to be resolved bilaterally, while simultaneously securing a seat on Trump’s newly announced Board of Peace. Slovakia expressed support for Denmark but has sent no troops. Romania voiced concern as well, though, like Hungary, it received an invitation to the same board.

Latvia has not deployed forces either, though Defense Minister Andris Sprūds suggested it could do so if asked, arguably the most diplomatic way to opt out. He also cautioned against overdramatizing the situation, saying that this is not the end of NATO.

Lithuania’s foreign minister has suggested that troop deployment should at least be considered. Meanwhile, in an interview with the LRT, European Commissioner Andrius Kubilius warned that any US attempt to seize Greenland by force would effectively mark the end of transatlantic relations and NATO itself (although he doesn’t believe such scenario would materialize).

The Ukrainian dilemma

A joint statement signed earlier this month by the UK, France, Germany, Poland, Italy, and others reminded the United States of the principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity enshrined in the UN Charter, the very principles Russia continues to violate in Ukraine.

European leaders are now walking a tightrope: managing the Greenland crisis without jeopardizing US security guarantees for Ukraine seems practically impossible. Some reports suggest Greenland could become a bargaining chip in exchange for continued American support for Kyiv. But that would require Denmark (not the EU as a whole) to give up territory, making the scenario politically implausible, even if not entirely off the table.

For now, Central and Eastern Europe waits and observes (or should I say, monitors the situation) as events unfold with no obvious upside. As leaders converge on Davos, with Donald Trump expected to attend, Greenland is set to dominate the unofficial agenda. It seems that Europe lacks the leverage to meaningfully push back. At this point, the more unsettling conclusion is that US control over Greenland may not be a question of if, but when.

— Giorgi Beroshvili, Editor

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OPPORTUNITY OF THE WEEK

  • Lossi 36 — Eastern Europe Regional Editor (Belarus, Ukraine, Moldova) — Lossi 36, an independent online media project covering Central, Eastern, and Southeastern Europe, Russia, the Caucasus, the Baltics, and Central Asia, is recruiting a volunteer Regional Editor for Eastern Europe. The editor will work closely with the Editor-in-Chief and Deputy Editor-in-Chief to edit and shape 1-3 articles per month focused on Belarus, Ukraine, and Moldova, and participate in monthly editorial meetings. The role requires a commitment of approximately 2-5 hours per week and is ideal for candidates with prior editing or writing experience and a strong interest in the region. The position offers the opportunity to develop editorial skills and join a diverse, international media team amplifying underrepresented regional perspectives. Deadline: January 20, 2025.

ARTICLES OF THE WEEK

CARTOON OF THE WEEK

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